5, Assault with intent to kill Rabbi Peres in Memphis
Rabbinical.—Rabbi Peres, late pastor of the synagogue in this city, has been giving some of his flock—not gehenna exactly, but law, and that is about as bad. For assaulting the Rev. J. J. Peres, with intent to kill him, L. Helman was yesterday condemned, by the common law court, to pay a fine of two hundred dollars, and to suffer three months imprisonment. This was in the criminal court. Mr. Peres, a few days ago, recovered damages from his former congregation for the balance of his salary.
Memphis Daily Appeal, April 5, 1861.
5, Description of Tennessee River loyalists "Home Guards."
This invaluable class is composed--according to a careful analysis made by an eminent chemist on the spot--of ten parts unadulterated Andy Johnson Union men, ten of good lord good debilities, five of spies, and seventy-five scalawags, too lazy to run, therefore disqualified for service in the Secesh army, and too cowardly to steal on their own responsibility, but willing to be enrolled as "Home Guards," so as to plunder their neighbors under the Union flag.
Chicago Daily Tribune, April 5, 1862.[1]
5, Description of Pittsburg Landing "Fair Grounds"
Correspondence of the Chicago Times.
Camp Hitt--At the "Fair Grounds."
Savannah, Tenn. March 29.
The Fifty-third Illinois left Chicago on Sunday last, destined, as many supposed, for a short visit to Benton Barracks. Upon arriving at St. Louis next morning, however, we learned that orders had been given to proceed immediately on board the steamer Continental, along with the 25th Missouri (which carries "Lexington" upon its banner), for a trip to the "Sunny South." But precisely whitherward few could distinctly say, and these few were discreetly silent.
We arrived at Fort Henry.…As the night closes in the men tuck themselves away in nooks and corners, and the officers congregate in the cabins. They form parties for whist, euchre, "seven-up," chess, checkers, and general conversation, while in different parts of the boat are glee clubs of well-trained voices discoursing sweetly, and a string band with a flute accompaniment is breathing such pathetic strains of well remembered times that tears are dimming eyes that never blanched with fear. It is the most singular party of pleasure that I ever went on. They all seem bound to be joyful while they may; real concern does not appear upon a single countenance; and yet the absence of ladies, who usually grace pleasure parties (for there are on board but camp women); the soft beauty of the night into which the majestic steamer is crowding onward; the ignorance we are all in of our destination; with the grim suggestions of war all around us, combine to produce a singular variety of mental sensations.
We arrived here, the headquarters of General Grant, at noon. We await orders, and are told that we are to move on to Pittsburg Landing, nine miles above. Shortly the order is reversed; we are to disembark here and the Twenty-Fifty Missouri is to go on to Pittsburg. The time is not long before our small warehouse of luggage is emptied from the steamer and on the way to our camping ground--the "Fair Ground" again, located on a high knoll in the midst of an oak forest, about a mile from the town. As compared with our "Fair Grounds" these are of dimensions decidedly contemptible. It consists of a "circus" of about one hundred and fifty feet diameter, with galleries of benches surrounding and covered with an awning of "shakes," or riven clapboards, outside of which is space sufficient only for a carriage way and one row of our tents. This enclosed by a close board fence, completes the Fair Ground. It seems calculated for horse racing on a small scale and nothing else to speak of, but we're in Dixie....
I am unable to give any information as to other troops quartered here, other than that the remnant of the Eleventh is within a few miles, and that Dickey's Cavalry is camped about four miles off. One of the men whom I saw last evening told me that they spent their time in scouting and skirmishing with guerrilla bands of rebels, and destroying now and then contraband property of secesh.…One of the Fifty-Third.
.…No post office is established here yet. We have to depend upon the boats for sending and receiving our letters, though it is promised a post office will soon be in operation.
Chicago Times, April 5, 1862.[2]
5, Expectations of war in Memphis
Anticipation.
There was a restless feeling in the city yesterday. Like puffs of wind before the crashing storm, came the recital of facts and incidents, movements and preparations occurring in the vicinity of the Charleston railroad and the Tennessee river. "The hum of preparation" was not absent from our own city, and men's minds were turned with dizzy apprehension, or with exulting anticipation, toward the battle which most persons believe to be approaching. Anxiously every rumor was canvassed, events were calculated, positions discussed, and probabilities balanced. The belief that if a battle shall occur between the forces now marshaled in array against each other, it will have an important bearing on the mighty struggle now pending between the South and her boasting foe, was universal. The possible importance of coming events was contemplated with thrilling earnestness, their bearing upon the Confederacy, upon the fortunes of our own city, and the fate of friends and acquaintances, were gravely glanced at. The event of anticipated battle is a solemn time, not only to those who expect to be engaged in the direful conflict, but to those who watch the bustle of preparation, and await with strained vision, and shuddering interest, the moment when the clangor of the loud-voiced trumpet, and the hoarse shoutings of excited thousands, announce that the supreme and decisive moment has arrived.
While the natural feelings and reflections suggested by the solemnity of approaching strife existed yesterday among our people, there was no intimation of fear or doubt. The universal thought expressed was—let but the wiley [sic] enemy leave his tortuous strategy, his uncertain advances, and his feigned retreats—let him but meet the Southern host breast to breast, and try the issue by the test of gallant deeds, brave hearts, and chivalrous feats of arms, then the day is ours. Let force of arm and resoluteness of soul, be the umpires of the contest, and our flag will bear away the laurels. Where the decision lies in Southern will and Southern deeds, "there's no such word as fail." The result of the coming battle, as confidently anticipated by our citizens, is that described by Scott:
Oh, who that shar'd them, ever shall forget
The emotions of the spirit rousing time,
When breathless in the mart the couriers met,
Early and late, at evening and at prime;
When the loud cannon, and the merry chime
Hail'd news on news, as field on field, was won,
When hope, long doubtful, soared at length sublime
And our glad eyes, awoke as day begun,
Watch'd joy's broad banner rise, to meet the rising sun.
Memphis Daily Appeal, April 5, 1862.
5, Impressions of Murfreesboro
There are many fine residences in Murfreesboro and vicinity; but the trees and shrubbery, which contributed in a great degree to their beauty and comfort, have been cut or trampled down and destroyed. Many frame houses, and very good ones, too, have been torn down, and the lumber and timber used in the construction of hospitals. [emphasis added - ed.]
There is a fearful stench in many places near here, arising from decaying horses and mules, which have not been properly buried, or probably not buried at all. The camps, as a rule, are well policed and kept clean; but the country for miles around is strewn with dead animals, and the warm weather is beginning to tell on them.[emphasis added - ed.]
Beatty, Citizen Soldier, p. 246.
5, "Our boys are still at work on the fortifications." Excerpts from the letter of Captain Gershom M. Barber in Murfreesboro to his wife
Headquarters at Batallion [sic] O. V. S. S.
Murfreesboro, Tennessee, April 5, 1863
My Dear H L
It is again Sunday and I embrace the quiet of the evening to write to you…Our living although good enough does not seem like home. We get plenty of good ham, beef and bread tea and coffee. These staples we can get at Government prices of the Post commissary. But outside of that luxuries are pretty dim. We bought a couple of white fish at twenty-five cents a pound a dozen eggs at sixty cents a dozen and everything else in proportion. Ham we get at 8 cents and flour at $5. Per barrel. On the whole we can live as cheap here as at home if we can do without the luxuries. Cheese is 50 cents per pound. By the way I hope you have sent us some Lieut. P. Lieut. S., and orderly Stearns and myself mess together. Charles Porter does our cooking.
Our boys begin to weary of the camp life and are anxious for a move. I believe they would like a good fight for a change. Last night there was a heavy skirmish off towards Chattanooga. Results not known. Today 300 rebel soldiers came in and gave themselves up with their guns and equipment saying they were starved out. I believe there is great distress and suffering the rebel army, and deserters tell us there is great hostility to the Confederate Govt. all through the South.
You might be here with me while we are in camp and stay a while by and by. Isn't it to [sic] bad that matters have to be as they are so that you can't come for a while. [sic] I believe the end would justify the means and I know the old man can accomplish it if he will. I don't want to be selfish but I want you here occasionally. Other officers have their wives and so can I. There is a fine house within six rods of my tent of brick and splendidly furnished. We could take rooms there and live like nobles. Wouldn't it be nice, days you could be in my tent and nights I could be in yours. [sic]
Gen. Rosy was out to see our inspection this evening….There is great harmony however in the battalion and things go off all right. Our boys are still at work on the fortifications. We expect however to get through all we have to do this week. The big guns begin to loom up all over the works. Already six 94 pound[er] cannons are mounted. We shall have a regular Sebastopol in a few weeks and when we get it nicely finished we should like to have them attack us, which they will probably do if Vicksburg should be evacuated.
During the last few days the river both above and below Clarksville has been attacked only the 2nd shot they disabled one of our gun boats but she got away from them.
* * * *
Barber Correspondence
5, "Provost Order No. 71."
Office of Provost Marshal
Nashville, Tenn., April 5th, 1864
[EXTRACT.]
VIII. The frequency with which horses and mules are stolen in the vicinity of this post by marauding soldiers and vagrant negroes [sic] calls for the most stringent measures for the most stringent measures for the suppression of the crime.
Soldiers are hired to fight, and not to trade horses and mules. The offering of a horse or mule for sale by a soldier is in itself an offence, and is prima facie evidence of his having come in possession of it by felonious means; and any citizen purchasing it becomes an accomplice of his guilt.
Any soldier selling or offering for sale a horse or mule, or any citizen purchasing the same of a soldier, will be arrested and punished.
No negro [sic] will be permitted to sell of offer for sale any horse or mule without a special permit from this office, on proof of ownership, and nay citizen purchasing a horse or mule from any negro [sic] without such permit will be arrested and punished.
The patrols will be instructed to arrest all soldiers found riding or having in their possession horses mules not branded with the Government brand.
By command of Brig. Gen. R. S. Granger
John W. Horner, Lieut. Col. 18th Mich. V. I., and Prov. Mar.
Nashville Daily Times and True Union, July 28, 1864.
5, A visit to Hospital No. 8 in Nashville by Elvira J. Powers
The Masonic Hall and First Presbyterian Church constitute Hospital, [sic] No. 8. We visited that on Tuesday [April 5, 1864].
As we enter the Hall, past the guard, we find a broad flight of stairs before us, and while ascending, perceive this caution inscribed upon the wall in evergreen.
"Remember you are in a hospital and make no noise." Up this flight, and other cautions meet us, such as "No smoking here"—"Keep away from the wall," &c. We here pause at a door, and are introduced to the matron who is fortunately just now going through the wards. It is Miss J—tt, [sic] of Ann Arbor, Michigan.
Ascending another broad flight, and asking in the meantime of her duties, she throws open the door of the linen-room where are two clerks, and says:
"This department comprises all the work assigned to me-whatever else I do is Voluntary and gratuitous. But today," she adds laughingly, "it would be difficult to define my duties. I think I might properly be called 'Commandant of the Black Squad," or 'Chief of the Dirty Brigade;" and she explained by saying that he had seven negro women and two men, subject to her orders, who were cleaning the building. She next throws open the door of a ward which contains but a few patients, and has a smoky appearance. She tells us, they are fumigating it, having had some cases of small pox, most of which have been sent to the proper Hospital.
We pass to another, where she tell us, previous to entering, is one very sick boy. He is of a slight form, only fifteen, and with delicate girlish features. His disease is typhoid fever, from the effects of which he is now quite deaf. As we approach, he says to her faintly, [sic]
"Sit down here, mother, on the side of my bed."
She does so, when he asks her to "bend her head down so he can tell her something." This she does, when he says, quite loud, but with difficulty' –"There's some money under my pillow, I want you to get it, and buy me some dried peaches."
"I don't want your money," she says, "but you shall have the poachers if I can get them," and she writes a lot and dispatches to the sanitary rooms for them. This boy always calls me mother," she says, "and the first day he was brought here, he sent his nurse to ask if I would come up and kiss him. He has always been his mother's pet, and I now correspond with her on his account."
His fever is very high, and we pass our cold hand soothingly over his forehead and essay to speak words of cheer, and we turn to leave, he looks up leadingly and says:
"Can you [sic] kiss me?"
"Yes, indeed, I can-am glad to do so," and we press our own to his burning lips and receive his feverish, unpleasant breath, not a disagreeable task though, for all, when we remember that he is the pt of his mother, who misses him so very much, and who may never look on her boys again.
Of one-a middle-age, despondent looking man we ask cheerily how he is to-day.
"About the same," he replies coldly, but with a look which is the index of a though like this:
Oh, you don't care for us or our comfort,--you are well, and have friends, and home, probably near you, and you cannot appreciated our suffering, and only come here to satisfy an idle curiosity."
He does not say this, but he thinks it, and we read the thought into the voice, manner, and countenance. We determine to convince him of his mistake, if possible, not withstanding he looks as he prefers we should walk along and leave him alone.
"Were you wounded?" we ask.
"No-sick," was his short gruff answer.
"Your disease was fever was'nt [sic] it?" we persist,-- "your countenance looks like it,"
"Yes, fever and pneumonia," he replies in the same cold, but despairing tone.
"Ah-but you're getting better now."
"Don't know about it-reckon not."
"Well, how is about getting letters from home?"
His countenance, voice and manner undergo a sudden change now, and his eyes overrun with tears, as the simple words "Letters from home."
And he raises his hand to his mouth, to conceal its quivering, he tells us with tremulous voice that he has sent three letter to his wife and can get no answer. She has left the place where they used to live, and he does not know certainly where to direct. We ask who we can write to, to find out, and learn that a sister would know. We take the probable address of the wife, and that of the sister, and after some farther conversation leave him looking quite like another man as we promise to write to each in the evening. (Subsequently, we learned that he received a reply to both, and was comparatively cheerful and very grateful.)
Down stairs, and we enter a ward on the first floor. Here is a thing sallow visage, the owner of which piteously asks if we "have any oranges." "No," but we provide means, [sic] by which he can purchase.
I'm from North Carolina," he says, "I hid in the woods and mountains and lived on roots and berries for weeks, before I could get away."
In reply to our query as to whether he would like a letter written home, he informs us that his wife and after arrived in town only a few days ago.
"Then you have seen them," we say.
"Yes, they both visit me, but my wife comes oftenest."
Just now, his nurse, a young man who should know better, interrupts him by telling us that "it isn't so, and his family are all in North Carolina."
"That's just the way," said the sick man, turning to me with a flushed and angry look, "that they're talking to me all the time, and trying to make everybody think I'm crazy. I reckon I [sic] know whether I've seen my wife or not!"
"Of course you do," we say quietingly [sic]; "does she bring you anything nice to eat?" and we add that we wish she would come while we were there, so we could see her.
"Well, she don't bring me much to eat," he says in a weak, hollow voice, but earnestly, "she don't understand fixin' up things nice for sick folks, and then she's weakly like, but she does all she can, for she's a right smart gude [sic] heart. She doesn't fix up, and look like you folks do, you know," he added, "for she sort o' torn to pieces like by this war."
"Yes, we can understand it."
Upon inquiring about this man a few moments after of the Ward-Master, we find that his is really a monomaniac upon the subject, persisting in the declaration that his wife and father visit him often though no one sees them.
"He can't live," said the Ward-Master, "he has lost all heart and is worn out. The chance of a Southerner to live after going to a hospital is not over a fourth as good as for one of our Northern boys. They can do more fighting with less food while in the field, but when the excitement is over they lose heard and die."[emphasis added. - ed]
We find upon several subsequent visits that is growing weaker, and at the last when his countenance indicates that death is near, we are thankful that he is still comforted by these imaginary visits from father and wife.
We crossed the street and entered the First Presbyterian Church, which constitutes a good part of the hospital. This place is notable for the promulgation of secession sentiments from its pulpit in other days. A specimen of the style was given here a short time before the entrance of our troops, by Profr. Elliot of the Seminary, who in a prayer besought the Almighty that he would do so "prosper the arms of the Confederates and bring to naught the plans of the Federals, that very hill-top, plain and valley around Nashville should be white with the bones of the hated Yankees! [sic]"
After hearing that is doubly a pleasure, in company of Miss J., another "Northern vandal,' to make the walls of the old church echo to the words of "The Star Spangled Banner," with an accompaniment from the organ; and it would have done any loyal head good to see how much pleasure it gave to the sick and wounded soldiers.
Powers, Pencillings, pp. 14-19.
5, Confederate riverine-commando raid frustrated at Kingston [see also "February 24, 1865, Capture of Confederate navy officers attempting insurgent attacks upon Tennessee River shipping"]
From his Flagship the Black Hawk at the U. S. Navy Base, at Mound City, Illinois, Acting Rear-Admiral S. P. Lee, Commanding the Mississippi Squadron, issued General Orders No. 48. The order admonished all naval personnel to be on the lookout for rebel river raiders. As proof that this was no idle threat to river security Admiral Lee cited the following newspaper article, taken from the Louisville Journal of March 9, as copied from the pages of the Chattanooga Gazette of March 6. It described what appeared to be a new Confederate naval initiative:
On last Sunday morning, [5th][3] Captain Chapman, a pilot on the steamboat Chickamauga, being at his home at Chapman's Landing on the Tennessee River, 4 miles below Kingston, noticed that the rebel women of his neighborhood were moving around the country rather more than usual. These proceedings attracted his attention, because they are an infallible indication of some rebel movement being on foot. Thinking that perhaps some rebels from the army had returned to their homes, he took his gun and started out to see what was up. He went down toward the river, and had not gone off his own place before he made a startling discovery. Hauled close in to the shore, and concealed by brush from the view of any one passing up or down the river, was a large yawl, without any occupants, but heavily loaded with several boxes and various packages. Captain Chapman was within 20 feet of the boat before he discovered it. Immediately suspecting the state of affairs, he looked around to see if the owners of the boat were near, but could see no one. In a moment or two more his attention was attracted by hearing a gun cap snap. Without making any display of his having discovered the boat, he returned to his own house and then he started off to find some citizens to aid him. Gathering six of them together, he returned to the neighborhood where the boat was fastened. Here he discovered nine men on a hill about a half mile from where the boat had landed. Disposing his little force so as to get between them and their boat, he made a bold show of what men he had, and issuing orders to imaginary troops, called upon the rebels to lay down their arms and surrender. Their guns and ammunition having been wet by the recent heavy rains, and believing that a superior force was around them, they immediately complied; one of them however, after laying down his gun, jumped down the hill and disappeared. After laying down their arms they were ordered to march off a few yards, when their guns were secured. The whole party then proceeded to the boat. On the road the rebels asked where the rest of their captors were, and upon being informed that the seven present-on an old man, and one a mere boy-were the only force, the expressed great chagrin that, after having run hundreds of miles through the Federal pickets, they should at last be capture by "tories.' On arriving the boat was thoroughly inspected, but its load was treated with the greatest care, no one even desiring to touch the various articles of which it was composed. The boat itself was a regular-built yawl, 30 feet long, 3 feet deep, and 6 feet wide at the bottom, flaring out considerably. It is calculated to carry 40 men, and hold between 3 and 4 tons. It had "No. 3" painted on the sides. There were six oars in the boat, and were said by those who handled them to be of the very best make. Each oar is 16 feet long and was muffled. Each man in the party had a fine Enfield musket and a regular navy cutlass. One of the cutlasses was shown to us; including the handle, it is 3 feet 6 inches in length, and the blade is nearly two inches wide. On the handle are the letters "C. S. N." The boxes found in the boat are 1 ½ feet wide and 2 feet long, each containing a torpedo. A large number of fireballs, made by soaking balls of cotton in turpentine, were also found, but the most dangerous article of all was a sort of hand grenade and fireball combined. It was 6 inches in diameter and 10 inches long, and appears to have been made by winding cotton around some sort of an infernal machine. At one end is a cap so that the affair would burst on striking any hard substance, and, as if to make the assurance doubly sure, a fuze [sic] was inserted at the lower end, so that it might be lighted and would burn for some time before exploding. A network of copper wire kept the cotton in shape, and wooden handles 2 feet long were fixed in it, for the purpose of throwing the machine for some distance. As if the cotton itself was not inflammable enough, it had been dipped in some gummy preparation to make it burn fiercer. After examining everything, the prisoners were sent with a strong guard, to Kingston. After they started, Captain Chapman went over the fields to find the fellow that had escaped, and fortunately caught him within a short distance of where his companion had surrendered. The steamer Lookout came along about this time, and she took the yawl in tow, and the prisoners being placed on board, she went on to Kingston, where the Holston, received the precious boat and started with it for Knoxville.
One of the men captured had been keeping a diary, and from that and their conversation we learn somewhat of their plans and proceedings, though the former appear almost too rash and reckless for belief. It seems that the boat was built in Richmond, and its crew was composed of picked men from what the rebels term the Confederate States Navy. Leaving Richmond on the 3d of January last, they came to Bristol by rail, and went from there to the salt works, where the boat was placed on the waters of the Holston River. Their progress down the Holston was delayed by the low water, so that they were compelled to lay by for several days. They first passed the Federal pickets at Kingsport. We have heard that in passing under the bridge at Knoxville, they attempted to set fire to it, but were frightened off by the sentinels. They themselves say that their instructions were to commit no depredations until they got below Kingston. In passing under the bridge at Loudon they were hailed by the sentinels, but on replying that they were a trading boat, they were allowed to go on. After passing Loudon they stopped, and two of the chief officers went ashore and were captured by some of our forces, who came across them in some way. After waiting for these officers till they felt certain that they were captured, the boat under command of a Lieutenant Wharton, went on until they were finally discovered at Kingston. As to their plans, they may or may not be what the stated them to be, but they were certainly dangerous. After passing Kingston they were to burn every steamer that they could, and they had evidently intended to begin at the place where they were discovered, as it was but a short distance from Chapman's Landing, at which place the steamers are in a habit of stopping to wood. Proceeding down the river, on arriving at Chattanooga, they were to fire all the boats at the landing and depots along Water street. Next, sawmills and the shipyard were to be set on fire. It was supposed that by this time the burning boats and warehouses of the river front would attract the greater portion of the citizens and military to that locality, while they, landing at the foot of Seventh street and coming into the western end of town, would fire the warehouses and depots.
Among the items of news which they communicated was one to the effect that Lee's army was to leave Richmond about the 1st of March and retreat in the direction of East Tennessee. The operations of these men were expected to clear away some of the obstructions to such an advance and render the march of the rebel army into Georgia comparatively easy. Fortunately for the residents of Chattanooga and the preservation of the vast amount of Government property in the shape of steamers depots, and quartermaster and subsistence stores stored about the city, the affair was discovered, and all the parties actively concerned in it arrested. It is to be hoped that if these raiders are found guilty of all the infernal plots with which they have been charged, that they will meet with speedy justice. The fate of Andrews, the Union soldier who, in 1862, attempted to burn the bridges on the Western & Atlantic Railroad, should be taken as a precedent.
Navy OR, Ser. I, Vol. 27, pp. 87-89.
The log[4] of the ill-fated mission showed that five of the Confederate river raiders were from Tennessee:
A. A. Wharton, 1st Lieutenant Commander, C. S. N.; Randolph R. Stiles, 2d Lieutenant, E. J. Douglas, Assistant Engineer, C. S. N.; J. S. Pearch, Lieutenant McClung's Battery, Tennessee Light Artillery; J. N. Jones, McClung's Battery, Tennessee Light Artillery, J. Wynn, private McClung's' Battery, Tennessee Light Artillery; R. A. Rudder, private, McClung's' Battery, Tennessee Light Artillery; C. W. Skinner, Landsman, C. S. N.; Robert Seay, Seaman, C. S. N.; Thomas Melson, Ordnance Seaman, C. S. N.; Moses Bornatt, Landsman, C. S. N.; and W. H. Wharton, private, 7th Tennessee Infantry.
Brownlow's Knoxville Whig and Rebel Ventilator, March 8, 1865.
[1] As cited in: http://www.uttyl.edu/vbetts.
[2] As cited in: http://www.uttyl.edu/vbetts.
[3] Both February 5 and March 5, 1865, fell on a Sunday. It is therefore difficult to establish whether or not the capture took place in what month. March would seem most probable, except for the following, (cited above) which indicates the Confederate commandos were taken prisoner on February 14, 1865:
HDQRS. DISTRICT OF EAST TENNESSEE AND FOURTH DIVISION, TWENTY-THIRD ARMY CORPS, Knoxville, Tenn., February 25, 1865--7.15 p. m. [Received 27th.]
Maj. S. HOFFMAN, Asst. Adjt. Gen., Department of the Cumberland, Nashville:
Two officers in the uniform of and claiming to belong to the Confederate navy were captured yesterday [24th] near Loudon. They state they were of a party sent from Richmond to destroy the bridges and steamboats on the Tennessee River. The balance of the party made their escape and are still at large.
DAVIS TILLSON, Brig.-Gen., U. S. Volunteers, Cmdg. District and Division.
HDQRS. DISTRICT OF EAST TENNESSEE AND FOURTH DIVISION, TWENTY-THIRD ARMY CORPS, Knoxville, Tenn., February 25, 1865.
Maj. Gen. JAMES B. STEEDMAN, Chattanooga:
Two officers in the uniform of and claiming to belong to the Confederate navy were captured yesterday near Loudon. They state they were of a party sent to capture and destroy the steam-boats on the river. The remainder of the party made their escape and are still at large; they may attempt to carry out their plan. I respectfully suggest that guards on the boats be increased and cautioned to exercise unusual vigilance.
DAVIS TILLSON, Brig.-Gen., U. S. Volunteers, Cmdg. District and Division.
OR, Ser. I, Vol. 49, pt. I, p. 769.
Apparently the rest of the party managed to hide out until March 5, 1865.
[4] The log began on January 19, 1865 and ended February 14, 1865. It is not known if the log is extant.
As reproduced in the newspaper, there was nothing remarkable about its contents. The fate of these rebel river raiders is not known, although inasmuch as the war would end in less than four weeks, and they were found in uniform, it is most likely they were paroled.
Referenced in neither OR nor Dyer's Battle Index for Tennessee.
James B. Jones, Jr.
Public Historian
Tennessee Historical Commission
2941 Lebanon Road
Nashville, TN 37214
(615)-532-1550 x115
(615)-532-1549 FAX
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